Primary facilitators from this study | Primary facilitators from other settings | Primary barriers from this study | Primary barriers from other settings | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Education and IRS knowledge | Community education on IRS was important influence on IRS uptake in Tanzania and Uganda [15, 16, 23] and recommended by the WHO [9] | Lack of information on spray schedule Lack of information about residual efficacy Higher education | Lack of information was a barrier in southern Mozambique [17], Tanzania [15] and Uganda [23]. In Uganda willingness was associated with higher education [16] Refusers in Tanzania were more educated [15]. | |
Socio-economic | Families with too many/too heavy items to remove Families with too few items | Participants in Tanzania noted barrier of embarrassment of removal of limited and low quality household items [15] and in Uganda noted household property security concerns [23] Middle-class individuals in Uganda were less likely to accept IRS than individuals from lower socio-economic classes [16] | ||
Geographic location | Rural areas | More urbanized areas | ||
Community | Desire to protect neighbours Learning from experience of neighbours Community leader involvement in IRS promotion | Participants in Mozambique underscored role of community in facilitating acceptance and in Tanzania noted concerns about community level effect [15, 17, 18] | Lack of community leader support Community preference for ITNs | Preference for ITNs over IRS was also noted in southern Mozambique [17,18,19] |
Programmatic | IRS was accepted because it was believed to be effective in reducing malaria | Influence of perceived effectiveness of IRS against malaria was noted across settings [15, 16, 24] Inclusion of known spray operators was influential in southern Mozambique [18] and recommended by the WHO [9] | Selection of unknown or not trusted spray operators Concerns that insecticide was over-diluted Use of insecticide that left strong smell and stain on walls Insufficient or lack of timely communication of spray calendar | The importance of local, transparent recruitment of spray operators and their correct application of insecticide has been noted across settings [15, 18, 24,25,26] Skepticism regarding effectiveness of IRS persisted with some participants in Tanzania [15] Participants in Tanzania and Rwanda also noted the insecticide smell [15, 24] and in Tanzania about not having sufficient awareness of spray [15] and in Zimbabwe noted concerts with stains left on walls [27] |
Environmental | Desire to remove other non-malaria insects from home | This desire was also noted in Tanzania [15], southern Mozambique [18] and Uganda [16, 23] | Belief that IRS chased away mosquitoes, but did not kill Perceived low residual efficacy | Participants in southern Mozambique, Tanzania, Rwanda and Thailand felt that IRS attracted insects and were concerned about side effects [15, 18, 19, 24, 25] |
Political | Trust in government and health workers | Trust was also noted in southern Mozambique [18] | Engagement of only government party community leaders | Some participants in Tanzania felt spray was politically motivated [15] |
Historical | Prior acceptance of IRS | IRS demand was higher among those with prior IRS experience in Tanzania [15] and Uganda [16] | Negative past experiences with IRS | Individuals whose houses were not sprayed in previous campaigns were less likely to accept future IRS in Uganda [16] |